Friday, March 20, 2020
Account for the political stability of the Weimar between 1924-29 Essay Example
Account for the political stability of the Weimar between 1924 Account for the political stability of the Weimar between 1924-29 Essay Account for the political stability of the Weimar between 1924-29 Essay In answering this question I propose to examine the key areas of leadership, the economy, then see how this affected politics and follow this up by looking at foreign relations. 1924 saw the emergence of two figures in key posts that were to contribute to Weimar stability between these years: Stresemann and Hindenburg. Both had militarist and nationalist backgrounds but similarly both were intelligent enough to realise that co-operation and discourse were preferable to civil war and economic suffering. Stresemann masterminded Germanys period of diplomatic tension and isolation whilst Hindenburg offered a presidency that was balanced and tactfully administered. Both men were acceptable as leaders to the majority of German people for the time being. These men seemed acceptable to the allies whose goodwill was of paramount importance for German to recover between 24-29. Economically, the country re-gained some stability immediately when H. Luther changed the Mark over to the Rentenmark in 24. This was achieved without gold reserves but industry and agriculture offered some security and this was accepted as international currency. Unemployment began to subside and industrial output returned to levels not seen since 1913. Trading agreements (such as the Rappallo with the USSR) offered further investment opportunities abroad. A full return to the gold standard was enabled by the Dawes Plan (loans were also provided) and it also gave the economy breathing space as reparations were scaled down to fit in with economic output. Politically, this was a quieter time for the Weimar. Why? Simply because the republic seemed to be gaining success. Middle ground parties dominated the Reichstag and the three main nationalist parties (DNVP, NSDAP and KPD) only received 30% of votes cast in the 1927? election. The D. N. V. P was traditionally supported by industrialists, but given the economic upturn most were quite happy to allow the republic run freely. A referendum called for by the NSDAP and others to pillory the government for treason only received 14% of votes cast in favour. 1924 also saw Germany move away from the policy of obstruction and non-co-operation that had dogged the republics early years. Beginning with J. Wirth, a co-operative policy of fulfilment or Erfsfullpolitick was pursued. Stresemann continued this policy with three aims in mind: to modify Versailles; to end German diplomatic isolation and finally to restore sovereignty. By 1931, all three had been more or less achieved. The expressions of the Erfsfullpolitick were a series of pacts and treaties that bore foreign success. As mentioned above, the Rappallo Pact gave the economy a nudge but may also have nudged the allies into a desire to involve Germany more in world affairs in preference to Soviet dominance. The Dawes plan was the first expression and the Young Plan further supported this in 29 (both scaled down reparations). The Locarno Pact ratified Germanys western borders whilst still allowing her to pursue claims in the east. A return to League of Nations membership in 26? Saw the French foreign minister Briand, welcome Stresemann as an equal. The reparations were legally curtailed in 31 after Brunigs application for a Moratorium to the U. S. In conclusion, Weimar political stability between 24-29 can be explained by a combination of inspired leadership, supported by foreign goodwill and input which in turn promoted economic buoyancy which led to political calm.
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